Refugee Case Studies
Serving Refugee Students
Case Studies of
Somali, Bosnian, and Liberian students
in Minnesota schools
Minnesota Department of Children, Families & Learning
Learner Options
1500 Highway 36 W
Roseville, MN 55113
http://cfl.state.mn.us/lep
651-582-8594
Serving Refugee Students
Case Studies of Somali, Bosnian, and Liberian students
in Minnesota schools
© 2002 Minnesota Department of Children, Families & Learning
Paul Magnuson, Editor
Minnesota Department of Children, Families & Learning
Please direct inquiries to:
Minnesota Department of Children, Families & Learning
LEP Education
1500 Hwy 36 West
Roseville, MN 55113
(phone) 651-582-8594
(fax) 651-582-8727
(web) http://cfl.state.mn.us/lep
Upon request, this manual can be made available in alternative formats including Braille, audio tape, computer disk and large print.
Available online at http://cfl.state.mn.us/lep.
Permission is granted to duplicate this publication for nonprofit educational use.
Made possible by
Grant No. 90ZE0026 of the Office of Refugee Resettlement, Washington D.C.
Many thanks for contributions from:
Ibrahim Ayeh, Minneapolis Public Schools
Mirjana Bijelic, Center for Victims of Torture
Lisa Boehlke, St. Paul Public Schools
Mary DeZurik, Minneapolis Public Schools
Mary Diaz, Comprehensive Center Region VI
Pearl Jett, Brooklyn Center Public Schools
Margie Robinson, St. Paul Public Schools
Cheryl Skroch, Brooklyn Park Public Schools
Michelle Wiebe, Minneapolis Public Schools
Miamen Wopea, Minneapolis Public Schools
Nermina Zugic, Minneapolis Public Schools
A special thanks to the B.I.A.S. Project (Building Immigrant Awareness and Support) of Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights for sharing its fact sheets of background information on Somalia, Bosnia, and Liberia. Visit them at www.mnadvocates.org; (612) 341-3302.
How to use Serving Refugee Students
The focus group that met during school year 2000-2001 to discuss the three case studies in Serving Refugee Students hopes that you will use it in a variety of ways. You might like to read only the case study of the student who most closely represents the ethnic groups you work with; you might like to read all three. If you have relatively little experience with refugee students, let the case studies serve as an introduction to common issues that refugee students face. If you have lots of experience with refugee students, compare and contrast the stories of our three students with the students you have met. What successes with refugee students have you and your school district had? How did you achieve those successes?
You may be in a position to provide training for colleagues who work with refugee students. We suggest that you copy and distribute the case studies, read them together, and simply discuss them. Then go back to Serving Refugee Students to see what the members of the focus group had to say. We amazed ourselves sometimes at how quickly we agreed upon central issues. We also amazed ourselves at how open to exploring new ideas and different ways of thinking one needs to be. As one focus group member put it: "I work with students from Liberia everyday, but I never thought about all this!"
Following each case study are comments from our focus group members, each representing a professional point of contact for refugee students. Historical overviews of Somalia, Bosnia, and Liberia follow the comments. We hope that the overviews serve as springboards to further study. Finally, the discussion questions at the end of Serving Refugee Students provide a starting point for more thinking and debate about how we as educators can help make our schools more accessible to refugee students and their families.
We think that the use of Serving Refugee Students will extend beyond the specific cultures of the three case studies. You'll find bits and pieces in each case study that resonate with experiences you have had. Perhaps they'll shed light on a particular student in your class, perhaps you'll see a situation from a different viewpoint. Hopefully, Serving Refugee Students will provide a basis for further discussion about specific children who are placing their trust in you.
Paul Magnuson
January, 2002
Contents
Introduction
Immigrants in Minnesota
Refugees as a subset of immigrants
Who is a Refugee?
Refugees in Minnesota
Three case studies
Introduction
Case study 1: Abdi
Case study 2: Mirsad
Case study 3: Yei
Responses from focus group members
Introduction
Case study 1: Abdi
Case study 2: Mirsad
Case study 3: Yei
Historical background
Somalia
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Liberia
Questions for further discussion
Resources
Introduction
Immigrants in Minnesota
Visiting the Twin Cities today, it is hard to picture a time when the Minnesota census included no mention of Hispanics and reported the number of Asians in Minnesota as 166 Chinese plus 51 Japanese (Minnesota Census, 1900; in Minnesota Planning, 1999). Nor can one imagine that the state was 99.2 percent white. But that was the case in 1900. Not that there was a lack of immigrants. Except for the (probably underreported) 9,182 Native Americans, most of the other 1,742,212 residents recorded in the 1900 census could be considered fairly recent immigrants. Of the total population in Minnesota in 1900, 29 percent were foreign-born. And approximately two-thirds of those born abroad were native speakers of Swedish, Norwegian, and German, all learning English as a second language (Minnesota Planning, 1999).
Native speakers of northern European languages are no longer as commonplace in Minnesota. But native speakers of Spanish, languages of Southeast Asia, and Western and Eastern Africa abound. The number of immigrants, the places they come from, and the reasons they come have changed drastically since 1900.
Mary Diaz of the Comprehensive Center Region VI, one of several federally funded technical assistance organizations across the country, notes that there are significant differences between yesterday's arrivals to Minnesota and today's arrivals. She notes in particular the differences in the type of immigrant, the type of available jobs, and the relative necessity of going to school. Arrivals to Minnesota two to four generations ago came mostly from northern Europe, came eagerly, and settled in communities in which their native language might well be used in church, school, and the community. They also looked racially similar to those already living in Minnesota. Arrivals within the last generation have come from all over the world, including Latin America, Asia, and Africa. Many were forced to leave their native countries and arrived in Minnesota with very few material possessions and resources. They have a myriad of cultural backgrounds which aren't always understood in the communities in which they resettle.
Earlier immigrants to Minnesota arrived in a new state, in which the Homestead Act of 1862 offered 160 acres for free to settlers who lived on and cultivated the land for five years (Clark, 1989). Though not guaranteed success, most immigrants arrived with the appropriate skills to make a go of farming. Other laborers, such as miners and loggers, found that they were able to support a family without much formal background in education. In fact, in the early 1900s, most children never went to school past the eighth grade and very few thought it necessary to receive a high school diploma (Minnesota Planning, 1999).
The situation has of course changed. Immigrants arriving in the last few decades are not necessarily farmers, are not familiar with the technologically laden farming of today, nor is farming an occupation which one simply steps into. Farms themselves have grown in size and complexity, while decreasing in numbers. Entry level jobs often do not pay enough to earn a living, even while requiring at least some sophisticated level of knowledge and usually the ability to understand English. And a high school diploma in the year 2000 is nearly a given requirement for a job that will adequately support a family.
Mary suggests that when we compare early immigrants to Minnesota with recent immigrant to Minnesota, we run the risk of comparing apples to oranges. We might even be comparing apples to Palm Pilots. Today's immigrants are not the same as immigrants 100 years ago. And today's educational demands are much more complex than they were in 1900.
Refugees as a subset of immigrants
Perhaps one of the most important factors to keep in mind is that many of Minnesota's newest arrivals -- those who have settled here in the past few decades -- are refugees. While relatively few immigrants come to Minnesota when compared to states like California, Texas, and New York, the percentage of refugees as a subset of Minnesota's immigrant population is quite high. For example, from the late 1980s through 1998, between one quarter and almost one half of all immigrants arriving in Minnesota were refugees.
Who is a refugee?
|
In other words, a refugee is someone who has been forced to leave their home country because of who they are, and although many would like to return, the conditions in their home country prevent it.
Some refugees are highly skilled, some aren't. Some refugee students have a solid educational background, some have spent years in a location that provide minimal or no schooling. All refugees share the hope of something better after being resettled in Minnesota. Our job as educators is to help the school aged children of refugee families find their way past the sizeable obstacles they face.
Refugees in Minnesota
Minnesota continues to grow more diverse. In school year 2000-2001, more than 1 of every 20 K-12 students in Minnesota was identified as limited English proficient (LEP). A great number more are non-native speakers of English, yet proficient in English. The growth rate in the last 12 years for K-12 LEP students is greater than 400%, while the overall K-12 population during that same time period has only grown 15%. More than half of the adults enrolled in Adult Basic Education take ESL courses. Thousands of refugees arrive in Minnesota each year from other cities where they were initially relocated. They join other family members, other communities composed of members of the culture they are familiar with from their home country, and they enroll their children in school, expecting that their children will have access to the same education that all children have.
Finding the exact numbers of refugee students is impossible. By law, school districts do not ask for immigration status when enrolling students (since all students, documented or not, are entitled to public education). We can estimate, however, based on the native language of students, whether or not they—or their parents—were probably refugees.
Keep in mind that data collected for different purposes by different agencies seldom agree; numbers change rapidly over time and many immigrants and refugees are repeatedly undercounted. Undocumented immigrants are sometimes not counted at all, a factor which depresses the estimate of the number of Spanish speakers in particular, and the ongoing secondary migration of recent immigrants and refugees is difficult to capture. For example, at least one Somali community assistance organization in Minneapolis estimates that nearly 90% of the Somali community is in Minnesota through secondary migration.
A relatively reliable measure is available to estimate the numbers of non-native speakers of English. The Minnesota Department of Children, Families, and Learning collects data by native language and identification as limited English proficient (LEP). Tracking the number of students in kindergarten through 12th grade who speak languages associated with refugees allows us a fairly clear picture of trends in the refugee population.
Table 1 summarizes the growth since 1995 of the seven largest language minority groups in Minnesota.
Table 1: LEP students reported by Minnesota school districts by native language
95-96 |
96-97 |
97-98 |
98-99 |
99-00 |
00-01* |
95-96 to 00-01 percent change | |
TOTAL |
24,671 |
27,911 |
33,934 |
38,675 |
45,205 |
50,000** |
+103% |
Cambodian |
1,145 |
1,085 |
1,230 |
1,293 |
900 |
1,226 |
+7% |
Hmong |
9,393 |
10,585 |
13,965 |
15,442 |
17,250 |
17,573 |
+87% |
Lao |
1,304 |
1,283 |
1,371 |
1,417 |
1,352 |
1,267 |
-3% |
Russian |
619 |
768 |
726 |
874 |
1,076 |
1,042 |
+68% |
Somali |
117 |
316 |
1,296 |
2,174 |
3,497 |
3,569 |
+2,889% |
Spanish |
6,687 |
7,668 |
9,056 |
10,601 |
13,246 |
12,898 |
+93% |
Vietnamese |
1,685 |
1,581 |
1,706 |
1,727 |
1,790 |
1,659 |
-2% |
Source: MINCRIS, as reported by districts in the Minnesota Automated Reporting Students System.
* Data from Fall, 2001. District data will not be finalized until January 2002 for school year 2000-2001. Data figures in this column are therefore artificially depressed.
** Estimated.
The languages in Table 1 are selected because they are next most frequently spoken languages in Minnesota after English. However, some other smaller language groups actually have faster growth rates. The Ethiopian language Amharic was introduced to Minnesota's K-12 language list (for reporting purposes) in 1996-1997 with 5 total speakers. The category increased to include 218 K-12 speakers by fall 2000. Oromo, also spoken in Ethiopia, was first made an independent category in fall 2000 with 416 reported K-12 speakers. It is safe to assume a rate of growth for Oromo similar to Amharic. The category "Serbo-Croatian" experienced a 301 percent growth rate, but it is unclear how many Bosnians have been included in that count as opposed to the category "Not Specified." Finally, large numbers of Liberian speakers moved into Minnesota in the 1990s. Some of them are undoubtedly in the indefinite language category called "Creolized English," which went from 33 identified speakers in 1995-1996 to 208 in fall 2000. Liberians may also be coded according to their native language, coded in one of the generic "Not Available" or "Not Specified" categories, coded in "Other African," or in many cases, neither coded nor identified as LEP based on confusion about Liberian English and its many dialects. The coding of Liberian speakers reminds us that our numbers are inexact. But the upward trends in numbers of speakers are very real.
In general, the reported native languages of students in Minnesota K-12 public education show a slowing or slightly decreasing rate of some of the language groups which began arriving following the Vietnam War in the mid 1970's and an increase in refugees from Africa. The number of Hmong speakers, however, continues to grow. So too does the number of Spanish speakers.
The Department of Children, Families & Learning does not expect the increasing numbers of non-native speakers of English to slow. Second and third generation students will continue to enter the public school system, immigrants and refugees will continue to settle in Minnesota, and secondary migration of refugees settled elsewhere is likely to sustain itself or even increase.
3 Case studies of Somali, Bosnian, and Liberian Students
Introduction
Each of the three case studies presented below are based on real stories. Names have been changed, of course, and some details have been introduced or deleted. Each study is, however, a story that you have heard or will very likely hear in your work with refugee students.
If you are reading through the entire document on your own, you might like to stop after each case study to ask yourself what concerns for the student are raised, what solutions might be applicable, and how you and your school might go about helping the student. If you are using the case studies as a group for professional development, allow ample time to discuss the implications of each case study before reading the reactions of the focus group. Compare your discussion with the comments made by the focus group, and determine what avenues and solutions are right for your district. Don't hesitate to include anecdotal stories about students you have worked with.
We selected these three case studies based on populations in Minnesota which have recently experienced above average growth. The case studies span grade levels, represent both urban and rural settings, and include both boys and girls. If you are choosing a single case study for professional development, Table 2 will assist you in choosing one relevant to your school.
Table 2
Students | |||
Somali student |
Bosnian student |
Liberian student | |
School age |
|||
Elementary |
x |
||
Middle school |
x |
||
Senior high |
x | ||
Community |
|||
Urban |
x |
x | |
Rural |
x |
||
Gender |
|||
Male |
x |
x |
|
Female |
x | ||
Case Study Number 1:
Abdi, an elementary school student from Somalia
All names have been changed to protect the confidentiality of the participants.
A phone call to the Department of Children, Families & Learning
Ms. Snow, an ESL teacher from an elementary school, is very concerned about her first grade student: six-year-old Abdi from Somalia. She called the LEP Education Unit at the Department of Children, Families & Learning with the following description.
"In Somalia, Abdi survived starvation, witnessed what he calls 'an attack' on his mother and sister, and witnessed the killing of his family's neighbors. He lived with his grandmother until she died. Then Abdi came to the United States to join his parents. They had been in the US for just over two years. After only two months in the US, Abdi's parents enrolled him in the neighborhood school. I spoke to his parents at the time. They asked me to have a lot of patience with him. It's unclear to all of us teachers if Abdi knows that his grandmother has died.
"As his ESL teacher, I'm pretty concerned about Abdi. He is very aggressive. He often kicks at other students. He also has trouble paying attention. He can't seem to share in a group, and he looks very sad and confused.
"This is my first year of teaching, and I don't know what to do. I can't let him hurt other students. But when I separate him from the rest of the class, he thinks I'm punishing him. Maybe I am, I don't know."
Copy Case Study 1: Abdi, an elementary student from Somalia, for discussion
Case Study Number 2:
A middle school student from Bosnia
All names have been changed to protect the confidentiality of the participants.
A phone call to the Center for Victims of Torture
An ESL teacher from a small town in Minnesota called the Center for Victims of Torture very concerned about behaviors, emotional needs and academic progress of a 7th grade student from Bosnia. His name is Mirsad and he is 13 years old. Mirsad came to the United States with his immediate family (mother, father, and older brother) about 2 years ago, directly from Bosnia. Since his arrival he has attended four different schools.
"I don't know much about Mirsad's family. I think that both parents are working several jobs and I learned from Mirsad that he has a new baby sister that he takes care of and baby-sits for. I think he is helping out so much at home that he sometimes misses school. Mirsad doesn't talk much about Bosnia. Unlike my other students, he hasn't shared any information about his experiences in Bosnia. Since our entire school has had very little contact with his family, I'm not really sure what their experience with war in Bosnia was like. His father came to school once regarding Mirsad's suspension and seemed very mistrustful of all of us.
"Mirsad seems uninterested in school. He has difficulty sustaining attention, focusing on schoolwork, and has on several occasions lied about his homework assignments. He frequently misbehaves during the class. He makes a lot of noise, like singing or humming, and he refuses to do classwork. Sometimes he sits on the floor under his desk while his classmates are taking a test. He is currently being sent out of the regular class for some kind of disruptive behavior almost every day, and from my ELL class about once a week. And he seems happy to be sent out of class. He never makes up missed assignments and as a result he is very behind on his schoolwork.
His spoken English is fairly good, but his reading and writing are very poor.
"Mirsad is sometimes verbally aggressive toward others and his classroom teacher told me that she suspects he is sometimes physically aggressive towards himself. She has observed him biting his arm so hard that there is a mark. One time while he was getting something from his locker he hurt his finger, and his classroom teacher wonders if this injury was self-inflicted. He poked at his finger to make it hurt more, and finally he broke down and started to cry, and cried for a long time, and said that his whole body was hurting.
"One time I told Mirsad 'I know you are smart and can do this assignment,' hoping to motivate him to do his work. He replied, 'It would be better to kill myself.' I'm worried that he doesn't seem to be connected to anybody. His behavior, even when he is acting happy, seems exaggerated. Whatever he shows us doesn't seem real. He doesn't have any friends. One other Bosnian student and he are at times friendly, but at other times they are very angry and fight with each other."
Copy Case Study 2: Mirsad, a middle school student from Bosnia, for discussion
Case Study Number 3:
A senior high student from Liberia
All names have been changed to protect the confidentiality of the participants.
A conversation with the district Liberian Home-School Liaison
An assistant principal has requested help from the Liberian Home-School Liaison because school staff members were considering referring a newly arrived Liberian student to the special education program. The Liberian high school student, Yei Gono, talks privately with the Liberian Home-School Liaison about some of her difficulties in school.
"My name is Yei Gono. I'm 18 years old and I arrived in the Twin Cities a month ago from Guinea, West Africa.
"Together with my family—my mother and three younger brothers—I escaped war in Liberia and fled on foot to the Ivory Coast. But there was no food there. We walked for two months to reach a refugee camp in Guinea. But the soldiers harassed us there all the time. We walked once again to the Ivory Coast. When things got bad for us there again, we walked back to a refugee camp in Guinea. During this time, my family and I got separated from each other four or five times. I have not seen my father since the start of the war. That was eight years ago. I don't know where he is or if he is still alive.
"Before the war I lived in a small village and didn't attend school. When I arrived at this high school in America I began attending school for the first time in my life. I feel very frustrated. I don't understand any of my teachers, I don't know how to read or write, I don't know the alphabet. American English is so different."
Copy Case Study 3: Yei, a high school student from Liberia, for discussion
Comments from focus group members on the 3 case studies of Somali, Bosnian, and Liberian students
Focus group members included ESL teachers, bilingual teachers, representatives from the ethnic communities of these three refugee groups, special education professionals, school counselors, and mental health counselors. Not all focus group members attended each case study meeting. Their comments regarding each case study are below.
Remember that the thoughts and opinions of the focus groups members aren't necessarily right or wrong. Their opinions are simply that: opinions. Compare them with your own thoughts, discuss them, and note points of agreement and disagreement.
Case Study Number 1: Somalia
A school counselor responds
I suggest concentrating on three general areas: family support, educational support, and behavior.
Obviously, communication with his parents is critical. They have been in the country for over two years; every possible effort needs to be made to include them in discussions about Abdi. His parents could help me get a complete—or as complete as possible—developmental and educational history for him. Also, I would learn if there were other family needs for which referrals to outside resources could be made (e.g. medical care, financial assistance, housing, mental health needs)
Abdi should be assessed academically in all subject areas, at least to the extent possible given his limited English. If possible, it's a good idea to assess him in his native language. In our district we'd probably have to do that with the help of one of our educational assistants who speaks Somali. In any case, he will need extra academic support during the school day, as well as extra academic support after school and in summer school.
I would talk to Abdi individually about keeping his hands to himself, respect for others space and so forth. He needs to hear this message consistently and often. To help with consistency, I ask students to find a place where they feel OK about taking a “time-out.” I make sure to do this during a time when the student is not acting out aggressively so that it is planned ahead of time. I would also ask his teachers to reinforce positive behavior through things like stickers, lunch with a special person, treats, time doing something he likes, and a personal behavior chart.
Learning how to play games with other children also addresses behavioral issues—and play is accessible to a beginning speaker of English. Playing with other children reminds me that individual counseling time with a counselor or social worker using art and/or play is also valuable. In time, he could perhaps be involved in a grief or friendship group.
Perhaps an older student could be a mentor; possibly an older Somali student in the 5th or 6th grade could spend some structured time with him.
As with any child, I hope that his teachers would find an interest or a time when they can catch Abdi being successful and then build on that skill or behavior.
A community expert responds
As a bilingual Somali resource teacher who has worked with schools with large Somali concentrations, I'll focus on issues that are related to the Somali student in general.
In my district, we generally classify Somali students into three groups:
Students who have no schooling
Students who have interrupted schooling
Students who have some informal schooling
Students who have no schooling obviously have a lot more to learn than their American peers. Everything from folders to schedules to lining up in the hallway is new. Students with interrupted schooling know about school, but about a different type of school; and they have learned in a variety of subject areas, but not necessarily in the same subject areas—nor the same material—that other students have learned.
Students with informal schooling have been to a Quranic School. A Quranic school is an informal school that serves the role of preschool. Students learn how to read the Quran in Arabic, not in their native Somali. The purpose of the school is religious training.
It is beneficial to know what experiences with school a new student has had. Abdi will then be placed with students who have similar experiences. This might help his behavior problems. If he fits in a little better, he might not feel so sad.
Academically, Abdi will either have only ESL class or, depending on his language background, some schooling in other languages, like Somali or Arabic.
In general, some of the characteristics of Somali students I have encountered include:
a tendency to have conflict with other ethnic groups, notably African Americans
coming across as too demanding; I'm sure this is merely a cultural difference
a true eagerness to learn and do well
usually not being too shy to ask questions
good attendance
issues with the time and space for prayers, especially in high school
behavior problems in the elementary schools, like Abdi, oftentimes exhibited by aggressiveness toward students
interrupting the teacher while speaking to a student or students
taking things without permission
There are, I'm sure, a variety of reasons for these behaviors. Most of them can probably be attributed to learning how things work in a school culture, embedded in the culture of Minnesota, both of which are very new and strange to the student.
Abdi will be OK. He needs lots of understanding and patience as he makes a very big transition for somebody who has seen so much and is still so young.
A district coordinator for special education comments
Somali students are new to us in our district. When we begin working with new populations, there is a learning curve for everyone involved, teachers and students. It is important to remember this.
Abdi is very similar to a boy I have worked with. The stories of both boys prompt several thoughts:
In the case of the boy Abdi reminds me of, there was very little tolerance for him on the part of his teacher. She wanted him out of her class and was not open to investigating his story, his language or his culture. Yet investigating his story, language and culture are all very important.
The student I worked with did well when placed in a small class with a teacher who chose to teach students with these transitional issues.
The behaviors which have been most troublesome for Somali students tend to be behavioral and most students experiencing difficulty seem to be boys. Out of 25 Somali students referred to special education, only one has been a girl. Again, investigating the background of our students, as well as developing an understanding for cultural influences, is important.
The expectation for appropriate school behavior is so deeply rooted in American culture that it is not often directly taught to newcomers. But how do we expect other people to simply understand and conform to American culture without receiving any explanation or any time to adapt?
For example, we have had particular difficulty with behavior on the bus. But most schools have not considered consulting with a respected member of the Somali culture to help resolve this problem. In general, we need to communicate better so that behaviors don't become accepted or mistakenly associated with a specific culture.
I have long thought that districts should have a newcomer center which sought to ease the transition for students like Abdi as he moves between cultures. The center should have bilingual/bicultural staff, social work, health, psychology and mental health.
Finally, many Somali children have had experiences which put them at high risk of having special needs. Districts should take a proactive approach to addressing those needs as part of the regular education programming for new students. Those students who do not respond to these programs could then be referred to Special Education. A note of caution, however. My belief is that unless there is an obvious or clearly demonstrated handicapping condition (vision, hearing, motor or moderate-severe impairment), students who are new to the country should not be assessed for Special Education eligibility until they have had time to adjust to the new situation and acquire the necessary skills. One must walk a fine line between over-identifying Somali students for Special Education and under-identifying.
I have found it sometimes difficult to get the background information on the students. Parents seem cautious about sharing this information with us even through a respected interpreter. I need to learn more about why this is difficult. Could it be the interpreter I have worked with? Are the parents leery of me as a specialist in school?
A bilingual education teacher (and former refugee) responds
My first thought was that this child has had no stable caretakers in his life. In his six years of life, one-third was spent away from his parents, who are now in this totally new and different world and have probably picked up a little bit of the customs and language of the United States. They perhaps speak some English. They must be close to strangers to him. In addition, Abdi must feel that he was abandoned by his parents and it’s possible he is angry at them. On top of all that, he has seen a lot of violence. The physical act of kicking is probably helping him release some of that pent-up anger and energy.
Years ago, when I worked with Southeast Asian children, I remember how a 15 year old Cambodian girl related the attack on her village, with quite graphic descriptions of what they had done to the people – the babies in particular. I was both moved and shocked at how matter-of-factly she was able to recount the horrible memories. She talked about it as if it was something that happened to someone else, or as something that was of little consequence. I remember thinking that these children lived in a different reality; that they had developed incredible defense mechanisms.
A six-year-old Somali boy is not yet sophisticated enough to put what happened to him in an emotionally “safe” place. At this point he is just “acting out," which is no different than the reaction of any young child who has gone through the same experiences.
For Somali children in US schools today, coming from such chaotic and violent situations, they need to, and do, develop their own coping mechanisms. I think of the hierarchy of human needs – where the very basic needs of food, shelter and safety need to be met before a person can even become aware that there are other needs such as education and self-actualization. The six-year-old Somali boy’s behavior seems very appropriate given his circumstances. He is still not feeling safe enough to be ready to learn in school. Once he is able to trust his family and the system, there’s a good chance that his poor behavior will change.
During this transition period, however, I have observed and experienced myself that refugees experience a time of cultural and identity confusion - almost like a “love/hate” relationship with one’s own culture and language. During this time, as much as the native culture serves as a necessary and familiar constant, it also might be so strongly associated with such painful experiences that the temptation of leaving it behind is great. I think there is a fine line walked by many refugees during the first few years in exile; and I also think that how this period of time is handled plays a major part in the refugee family’s health and participation in the new culture. It is important that they know that they can function equally well in more than one culture and language, and that they don’t have to give up one to learn and embrace the other.
This is sometimes particularly devastating as children become adolescents. If the children don’t speak the home language any longer, there is no communication between generations. Adults lose their influence over their children. Fragile family ties can disintegrate.
For the relatively new Somali community in our district, there does seem to be some social institutions in place that help them maintain and perpetuate their culture and language, and by extension, positively affect the academic experience of the children. According to a Somali colleague, who is also a respected member of the Somali communities in and around the metro areas of Minneapolis and St. Paul, mandatory weekly attendance to educational and religious ceremonies compel most Somalis to remain connected to family and community, their culture, and their language. This characteristic of Somali culture is probably a key contributor to the relatively fast academic gains that I have seen in many Somali students, whether they came from a strong educational background or not. A high school with a very large Somali population employs Somali bilingual content area teachers who, in spite of the many frustrations associated with having many students with interrupted or little schooling, seem to succeed in moving these students along at a faster rate than other groups before them, all other variables being equal, of course.
In informal conversations with fellow bilingual teachers, we often discuss and compare test scores and our approaches to teaching our students, taking into consideration the native culture and customs students bring with them. The Somali teachers in my district use the same approach as would be used in schools in Somalia. They teach using both languages, depending on the particular portion of the lesson. They use the native language to build background knowledge, teach a new concept, and to check for comprehension. The rest of the time they use English. The textbooks are in English. But the curious thing about this is that in many schools in Somalia they were expected to learn in this manner because learning English was part of the curriculum. I think most of these students are accustomed to learning in this way, and the professors are used to teaching in this way. In these classrooms I also observed a no-nonsense, high expectations approach, where the lesson can focus on the content since language is not an issue and the teachers know their students so well.
My fellow teachers and I have also commented on the relatively short time that it has taken these high school Somali students to reach relatively high test scores (compared to some other language groups). I think that, being taught by Somali teachers (all respected male members of their community); and the maintenance of their language and culture through these religious classes, are two very important factors affecting their relative success in school.
I have high hopes for Abdi. Perhaps the painfully intense and life threatening circumstances that led to start life anew in a new world will add a layer of strength that non-refugees don’t have. It’s as if they are able to experience life in more than one mode. It's as if they have more than one identity, each of which can be summoned to perform a different task as the need arises. I think that the more they are able to develop and strengthen both identities, the better equipped they are to thrive in the new culture; and, if they are not thwarted by well-meaning, but sometimes erroneous efforts on the part of the receiving culture as to what they need, refugee groups will instinctively take care of their own, just as the Somali community will take care of this little boy.
An ESL teacher responds
I think this student is acting out, at least in part, because he has not had any experience with a formal educational setting. He hasn’t been to pre-school, hasn’t played “school” with his friends, and really has no point of reference as to what it really means to be in an American school. The other students may know that when they are in school, they need to listen to their teacher, make friends, and “behave." He is put into first grade based upon his age and maybe not upon his educational ability. Remember, he probably doesn’t have the experiences from kindergarten—educational or social.
Another thought I have concerns his beginning level language abilities. He doesn’t speak English, so he isn’t able to express his needs or feelings to his teacher. Because of this, he then feels frustrated and acts out in more physical ways. He may have a difficult time making friends and sharing in the group. He most likely feels isolated in his class, especially if there are no other Somalis that he can speak to in his first language. Since he has been in the United States for such a short time, he needs not only the time it takes for language to develop, but also a period of adjustment. He may need to discuss any emotional problems that he has with a counselor specializing in working with victims of torture.
At my high school, we offer bilingual and sheltered classes in addition to an ESL class. This student needs language development and possibly a class where he can be taught what he missed from pre-school and kindergarten, preferably in his native language. If he hasn’t attended school, he may not have experience using pens, pencils, paper, crayons, scissors, and so on. He may also be missing some fine motor skills that other kids have. This doesn’t mean he functions mentally at a lower level merely because he lacks experience with books and pens.
Two other things come to mind. Good nutrition is exceedingly important for cognitive development. People unfortunate to live through wars and displacement probably haven't had the good fortune of eating correctly. And it seems to me that the cultural norms of speaking for Somalis might be different from American cultural norms. Speaking loudly and interrupting might be interpreted by an American as aggressive behavior. But it might just be different in Somalia. I'm not sure about this, but it's something the teacher should find out.
A mental health professional responds
This example is very illustrative of other cases which school staff have mentioned in phone calls to the Center for Victims of Torture.
Abdi has suffered numerous losses, witnessed attacks on close family members, and even seen the killing of neighbors. All of these experiences have marked his world as a violent, unpredictable, unjust place in which he is not safe and not protected.
America is a new country for Abdi. Given that he has been in school for only two months, school is also a type of new country for him. Everything is very different from the "countries" that he’s lived in. He needs to learn a lot of new information about the going to school and about living in an urban area in Minnesota. Not knowing much or any English creates very frustrating situations for refugee students and often leads to misunderstandings. In my conversations with mainstream students and refugee students, I’ve heard from both groups that many fights among students start because of language and cultural misunderstandings.
Abdi's aggressive behaviors and trouble with attention are very typical for a young boy who has witnessed so much. Patience and time, and a great deal of understanding from his teachers, will help Abdi regain a sense of security.
A social worker responds
First, it is important to define what the primary considerations are for working with Abdi. I think these are:
his age;
the death of his grandmother, who was his primary caregiver;
the number of things which are new for him: the United States, the customs, the culture;
living this past two years with his parents;
and being surrounded at school by a new language, English
I think it would be interesting and helpful to pursue some background information with Abdi and his parents. What were the circumstances of his grandmother's death? Does Abdi know about her death or not? Why or why not? Why did the parents come to the United States two years before Abdi? Was it immigration issues? Had the parents become separated from their children as they were displaced from their home? And was the grandmother the last relative in Somalia? What were the circumstances around Abdi's immigration to the United States?
I think it is a good idea to know the background of Abdi to better understand why he is acting out. The teachers shouldn't have to wonder what Abdi knows and doesn't know, nor should the teachers feel they have to dance around certain issues because they are afraid to ask.
It strikes me that Abdi is, at least in one sense, very normal. He has every right to feel angry. He might very well feel abandoned by his parents and grandmother—even if that wasn't their intent. He may feel unloved and think that no one cares about him or his feelings. The only way he may know how to express his feelings is by striking out at other students.
Case Study Number 2: Bosnia
An elementary teacher, originally from Bosnia, responds
This student comes from a fairly typical Bosnian family living in the rural part of the country. He probably did not have a very strong educational background. The fact that they came directly from Bosnia tells about the history of being in a violent environment and possibly experiencing torture.
According to the American Refugee Program for Bosnians, one category of refugees included prisoners or concentration camp detainees, so it is very possible that this student has someone, maybe his father, who went through a concentration camp and is still talking about those experiences.
It seems that the economic needs of the family are important to this case, since both parents are working several jobs and do not spend much time at home. Mirsad, however, spends a lot of time at home. That is probably the environment where he feels most comfortable. This family needs some guidance as to how to organize their family life in order to offer their son more time with them. This should be done with the help of someone they trust and someone who speaks their language.
His parents also need to be thoroughly briefed about his behavior in school and need to be aware that he needs help. Mirsad obviously needs to tell his story—and someone needs to hear it. It might be culturally quite unacceptable to the parents, however, to get help from a mental health worker. In any event, the school should have a parent meeting with an interpreter present.
An ESL teacher responds
My first thought about Mirsad is my concern regarding his behavior and self-inflicted harm. I think that this needs to be addressed. He should see a counselor that works with victims of torture. Once he begins work on this area of his life, the academics can follow.
Mirsad's family is very busy and really over-worked. His needs and responsibilities at home are probably too much for such a young man. Since he isn't able to "be a teenager," he may feel frustrated and too tired to do his makeup assignments. If he doesn't do the work for his classes, he will fall further behind, which may be the reason for his disinterest in school. Perhaps Mirsad could be allowed to have more flexibility concerning his assignments.
Mirsad lives in a rather small community. He doesn't have other Bosnian students he can be friends with, and he may have trouble relating or communicating with almost anyone at his school. He may feel as though he isn't or won't be understood. It may take a long time before he opens up. It would be helpful if he could connect with other Bosnian kids his own age. He has moved around so much in his life and has attended so many different schools.
A social worker responds
Mirsad and his family left Bosnia only two years ago; they somehow managed to survive through five or six years of war. In addition, it appears that both the family and Mirsad have a high degree of mistrust: of school staff, teachers and other students. In my opinion it is unusual for students not to talk about their life if given the opportunity.
The misbehavior and the struggle for attention point to two possibilities. One of course is the effect of trauma related to war. What has he experienced and witnessed? This is a key question. Perhaps someone at the school could invite the family to school for an informal consultation. Even better, the Social Worker or Counselor could visit the home and start building a relationship with the family. Eventually that person might have an opportunity to learn about the family and Mirsad and their life’s struggle in Bosnia, as well as the struggle to adjust to Minnesota. This would help the school staff better understand the student and his needs. Understanding is crucial for creating the appropriate intervention. I suspect Mirsad needs to feel that someone really cares about him and his progress.
In addition, I suspect that his classwork may be too difficult for him. It may need adjusting. Schooling while in Bosnia may not have been an option, and therefore Mirsad has lots of catching up to do.
A home-school liaison (and former refugee) responds
Obviously Mirsad is at risk. His experiences in Bosnia, in America, and at school show this. How can this child get help and what type of help does he need?
A team of professionals (teachers, social workers, counselors, and school administrators) must work together to:
Study the background of the child in terms of why is he here. Where did he come from, and what was happening there when he left?
Learn about his culture, his traditions, and his religion.
Assess the child and determine his actual skills and abilities.
Reach out to the parents to encourage them to get involved into the child's school activities.
Help the parents become advocates for their children.
Enroll him in after school programs so that not all of his specialized instruction, for example in an ESL class, happens during the regular school day.
Fear, violence and mistrust are all part of being a refugee. The school should work together with an institution specializing in mental health, or more specifically with victims of torture, to help the child minimize or eliminate those.
An ESL teacher responds
Mirsad's behavior indicates that he believes that he is still unsafe in this school setting. The school is simply another place where he must perform tasks about which he has no idea how to begin. So he placates himself by making noises, forcing authorities to remove him from the difficult learning situation.
The one area of pride for him is taking care of his very young baby sister. Perhaps one could build on that.
I wonder how much academic information about Mirsad was collected before his age placement in academic classes. Which reading and/or ESL language proficiency assessments were used? Were these assessments normed on native English speakers? If so, how specifically did the test lay out the sub-skills? What attempts were made to create a modified educational plan to start teaching him at a level where he could experience success?
Mirsad's teacher clearly needs more information about the Bosnian war, refugee resettlement issues, and refugee camp experiences, as well as current Bosnian experiences in the U.S. Telling Mirsad, "I know you are smart and can do this assignment" fails to acknowledge that the assignment might be difficult for a non-native speaker of English with interrupted schooling. Why not acknowledge the truth? Mirsad knows he's having trouble with the assignment. The teacher could say, "I know this is difficult for you. And I know you remember things very well. How do you want me to help you with this?"
I would like this caring ESL teacher to have more information about Bosnia so that she could use factual examples from Bosnian experience when she builds background knowledge for various ESL classroom tasks. That way, the teacher reinforces her own knowledge, teaches ESL students not from Bosnia about the Bosnian experience, and helps build links to Mirsad. He needs to begin to believe that he has a small community of people, not only his ESL teacher, who care about him.
A bilingual education teacher (and former refugee) responds
I don’t think we can imagine the emotional and spiritual pain that Mirsad must be feeling. It runs so deep that even his body aches, and he would like to “kill” that pain. I can’t help but think that Mirsad saw or experienced something so horrible and inhumane that he literally cannot bring himself to think about it, much less talk about it. He just wants it to go away, no matter what it takes. In his case, it would be very important to find out from the family if, before the war, there were signs of mental illness or a history of it in the family, so that it can be ruled out. Then professionals can focus on the post-traumatic stress that Mirsad and the entire family is probably under. Information from the family might also help rule out the possibility of a physical condition for his body hurting.
Another thing we need to be careful with is assuming that other cultures share our beliefs and our views on mental health issues. Some cultures, or even some people in our own culture, don’t find it helpful to “talk out” their personal issues. Some groups believe that forgetting the past helps you move on. And some cultures believe very strongly that the behavior and experiences of any member of the family reflects on the whole family and even on the community. For some groups, issues of mental health are considered shameful and not to be talked about. I don’t know how the Bosnian culture views all this, but they are now in a strange country, and I’m sure it is not easy to talk to strangers about what they are going through. Besides, Mirsad’s English is not sophisticated enough to express complex or subtle emotions. For these reasons mentioned above, I don’t think that using the same strategies as we would have used with an “American” child, such as sharing in a group, or talking to an English speaking professional, would be a good idea; at least not until Mirsad’s English is age appropriate and he understands our culture, and has adopted its ways regarding counseling and “talk therapy”. At this point, Mirsad is not ready to embrace or even understand how we are trying to help him. In other words, until it means something to him and his family, and until they see it as a healing experience, our traditional therapies will probably not help him heal.
I think, in this country, we rush too soon to assume that we can apply our rules, our customs, and our solutions to people who come from other places. We tend to think that everyone is the same. This approach, unfortunately, is often perceived as arrogance by other cultures.
I would strongly recommend that a professional from the Bosnian community work with this family. He or she is better equipped to deal with these issues and to understand culturally specific norms. In the meantime, for less serious issues, such as misbehavior in school, if an interpreter is used, consider the possibility that Mirsad’s family knows the interpreter and might feel that they don’t want this person to know that their child is having problems. Also consider the sensitivity of the interpreter in reprimanding Mirsad, or counseling beyond what the teacher wants him or her to interpret, so that it is not a shaming experience for the whole family.
It’s not clear if Mirsad has been to so many schools because of his behavior, or simply because the family has had to move around. One thing is clear, though. Learning to read and write would be a huge step toward beginning to build or restore a little bit of dignity for this boy. I suggest finding a reading teacher who is a member of his community and speaks his language. Together they should start reading instruction in his native language. This could be done after school, on weekends, or at home. The whole family could be involved in this project if they also don’t read. I think this is an imperative, or he may never develop solid literacy in English. He has too many years yet to go in school and he will not begin to feel good about himself or experience success as a student until he learns to read.
This is something that can start him on the road to recovery right away. Because he is a little older than the typical beginning reader, it shouldn’t take him too long (perhaps a year) to read comfortably, in his native language, at about a third grade level. After that, it’s just a matter of working with a skilled teacher to help him transfer his reading skills into English. At that point, his oral English vocabulary will be much richer from the additional year of ESL classes and his participation in other classes, increasing his ability to read and comprehend the more complex subject matter of school.
> Case Study Number 3
A Liberian home-school liaison (and former refugee) responds
Language barriers are the single most powerful obstacle to learning for most Liberian refugee students. School teachers and social workers must identify the real issue: they must focus on breaking down language barriers.
The issue with Liberian students is not a special education issue. It is a language issue. So it's not fair to immediately recommend special education services. It is fair to recommend ESL services since English is a second language to almost all Liberians.
This may seem odd to some people. After all, Liberians speak Liberian English and will readily tell Americans that they speak English. You need to learn about Liberian history to understand this.
Most Liberian youth grow up speaking one of the 32 languages indigenous to Liberia, depending on where they lived. English is taught at school. But those Liberians in American public schools today came to America after a long period of civil war in Liberia, during which time there was no school. Most Liberian students lost seven to nine years of schooling. For example, Liberian students who were in the 3rd grade when the war started in 1989 never went to school again until they came to the United States in 2000. Then they were placed in the 10th or 11th grades, based on their age. Therefore, about 95% of Liberians speak English as a second language. They never got the chance to learn English..
I usually suggest pairing Liberian students with non-Liberian students for the purpose of group work or class work. This will pave the way to free communication and create the opportunity to learn English and speak it fluently. This is not to suggest that Liberian English is bad or that the student should be discouraged from speaking Liberian English or any of its many dialects.
A school counselor responds
Just like in the case of Abdi, the Somali student, I suggest helping Yei by concentrating on three general areas: family support, educational support, and behavior.
First, the school needs to contact Yei's family. It is important to learn if there are any special concerns about the purpose of school right from the start. If Yei forms negative impressions about school in her first few days, she may never reformulate her opinions. The school can also help the family understand school processes and procedures. This contact with Yei's family will also help determine whether or not there is actually a need for special education services, and if there is any need, which services might be appropriate.
Academically, the school will need to obtain an accurate assessment of Yei's ability in American English. Then she can be placed in an appropriate ESL class. In mainstream classes, modifications should be made to help her understand what is going on. The school should provide a student tutor who can interpret when necessary.
After-school and summer school classes should be provided to ensure that Yei has a chance to master basic skills. Since she has quite a ways to go to catch up even a little, offering ESL services only during the regular school day will not be enough. She needs additional time in school, not merely a different type of instruction during the regular school hours.
In general, it is important to provide all teachers with the same information about Yei's skill level, history and interests. And Yei should be asked directly about what things would help her in school. She probably knows quite a bit about what would help! Finally,
if it is possible to provide a work program for Yei, where she can get trained in a specific skill and learn the specific terminology, I'd recommend that. Because she is older, there will be lots of pressure on her to leave school soon.
Behaviorally, I would make sure that Yei feels supported and included at school. She should continue to meet with the Liberian liaison to share concerns. She could also participate in a support group of some kind—maybe with other Liberian students, or perhaps with students who are interested in other cultures and countries. Anything that helps Yei feel connected with school staff and students will be helpful. She needs to feel that she is a part of things socially, because it will be difficult for her to feel like she is part of things through the class work in her courses.
A bilingual teacher (and former refugee) responds
Not to downplay the very painful experiences that Yei and her family have gone through, but right now, her most immediate challenge is school. The question is: How can she become a well-adjusted member of her community and her new society in the relatively short time she has to take advantage of a high school experience?
The language seems to be the main barrier to learning school subjects and to communicating with her English speaking peers. Unlike other ELLs, for whom it’s very clear that they do not speak English as their first language, for Liberians this is not the case. There are misunderstandings, both on the part of Liberian students and the teachers who work with them. Perhaps Liberian community experts could speak to schools that have Liberian students, and also speak in their own communities to make it clear that, though Liberian English started out to be like “American” English, they are different enough today to cause confusion, and that Liberian students should also be considered ELL.
One thing I would like to ask is about the language spoken in the home. Is it Liberian English or is it a dialect from the village where Yei comes from? Or is it a combination of both of these? What is her dominant language? This is key in beginning efforts to teach her to read. If her dominant language is a dialect that does not have a written form, does she know enough Liberian English to begin to make some connections between meaning and the written language? Working with a bilingual and literate adult, she could begin to learn that writing is just spoken language on paper, and she can learn some of the rules that govern written language. She can transfer this information to English later.
There is also a very important issue that I think helps ELL students adjust better and be more willing to embark on the journey to learning English. It’s the issue of respect and validation for whatever language and culture they grew up with. I know from my own experience that the less at risk I felt about losing my language and culture—and identity—the less afraid I was to embrace a new language and culture.
I believe, that for Yei (as well as for any other newly arrived ELL student), a school curriculum that addresses her needs should have four components the first year:
Two or three content-based ESL classes, each one using a different content through which to teach English, with each course focusing on literacy as well, so that whatever is presented or discussed orally, is reinforced by writing and reading about it. This requires that ESL teachers be willing to teach content and literacy (something that was not the focus for traditionally trained teachers of ESL).
Classes in the native language (realistically speaking, in smaller districts, this might just consist of having a community member who is educated and literate occasionally work with the student). These classes can provide the student with the content that they don’t yet understand in English. These classes can also provide background information and knowledge about the subject being studied in the “regular” classroom before the student hears it in English from the classroom or content teacher. At the very least, it would be very helpful if someone worked with Yei on beginning concepts – whether it is something connected to the lesson in the mainstream or the beginning concepts of reading and writing. This community person, as well as the ESL teacher, should meet with and plan with the content or classroom teachers so that they are “thematically” connected. This makes learning much more efficient.
Participation in “regular” classrooms where the teacher has had some training in working with second language learners and is familiar with second language acquisition issues.
Family and community involvement that include in-services from the community to the school, and from the school to the community. It’s important that every person working with the student knows his or her role in order to maximize and accelerate learning for all ELL students.
An ESL teacher responds
In our discussion of this case study, it was mentioned that Yei stated in Liberian English, "They are not hearing me! I don't want to come to school!" What immense frustration she must feel as she goes through the motions of a high school student in a large urban high school. She has no manageable community of family or village where she knows the expected behaviors.
Yei desperately needs an appropriate education, which should include beginning literacy skills of phonemic awareness and concepts of print. She needs opportunities to tell and write her own life's experiences with visual or conversational prompts from teachers or friendly female Liberian students from compatible language groups. She needs an adult volunteer not identified with the schools to listen to her stories, support her efforts, and orient her to school on a personal basis. Much of her life has been survival through war zones and refugee camps. She needs to discover that school is a safe place for her to be. I wonder if an adult education setting would be more appropriate for her? Yet I know she's entitled to public education as well.
A district coordinator for special education responds
Perhaps one way of thinking about a referral to special education is to realize that all regular education interventions must be tried before special education can be considered. ESL is a regular education service that should occur before a referral to special education. There is tremendous need for ESL to offer more for older students at the earliest stages of literacy.
Many Liberian students are referred to special education because teachers have the perception that if they speak English they should be doing better academically. Teachers seem to inherently understand that a Hmong student, for example, is struggling because of limited English proficiency. They assume, however, that if a Liberian student speaks English they should be able to handle the academic demands the same as the American students.
In talking to a Liberian mother whose child was referred to special education, I tried to explain that ESL could offer instruction geared to her son's needs. She claimed, exasperated, "Well, I think I'm speaking the same English as you are!" I felt that I was insulting her somehow by suggesting that her son may have difficulty understanding and being understood in school because American English has many differences from Liberian English. It appears that many of our Liberian students have difficulty with the English of our schools. It is not necessarily a sign of a learning problem when this occurs.
In special education we face a dilemma with students who have just arrived in the US from war-torn countries: the experiences the kids have had place them at high risk for having mental health problems. However, we are reluctant to identify students as emotionally disturbed when they are in the early stages of acculturation to this country. We know that many or most students will exhibit some behavior problems when they are new to a culture and language. These students do not all have special needs. How do we differentiate between those students who do need special education services and those that don't?
What we try to do in my district is gather as much information about the students as possible. We interview parents to obtain their perceptions of their children and their learning and developmental patterns. We ascertain the student’s educational and linguistic history. We consider acculturation and second language acquisition factors. Only after these explanations have been exhausted do we conduct a formal assessment of the student for special education services.
Historical background of the three countries
Somalia, Bosnia, and Liberia all have very distinct and interesting histories. The short overviews here can hardly do justice to the amazing stories from these areas of the world.
Follow the suggested web links for more information. Look for viewpoints and historical overviews from different perspectives. A Somali, for example, will tell a different history of Somalia than an American researcher who has never been there. A history of Bosnia told by a Bosnian will differ from a history of the area told by a Serbian. And urban Americo-Liberians certainly experience a different Liberia than rural Liberians.
Most importantly, ask your students and their families about their home countries. Don't be afraid to ask some of the harder questions. In most cases, it is probably better to ask too many questions than to ask none. If you do the former, you might be considered a little pushy. If you do the latter, you might be considered unfriendly, disinterested, and unapproachable.
Somalia
Official Name: Somali Democratic Republic
Population: 7,140,643
Capital City: Mogadishu
Climate: Principally desert
Religion: Sunni Muslim
Languages: Somali (official)
Natural Resources: Uranium, iron ore, gypsum, bauxite
Form of Government: None
History
The development of the Somali people can be traced back to the 7th century B.C., when the indigenous Cushitic people intermixed with Arab and Persian traders. This led to the formation of the Somali culture, which is based on pastoral nomadism, has one language, and one faith, Islam. While the Somali people are one of the most ethnically homogenous in Africa, historically there was no sense of political unity. By the 13th century there were powerful city-states along the eastern coast; however, the people identified with certain clans rather than the area as a whole. There was little fighting between the tribes during the pre-colonial period. Violence was not necessary or feasible in a mobile culture where one tribe held no dominance over another, and where most adults were engaged in subsistence farming.
The completion of the Suez canal in 1869 gave the Somali coast strategic importance among European colonial powers, and a scramble began to secure the Somali port cities. In 1886, as the result of treaties with clan chiefs, Britain took control of northern Somalia. France secured the northwest area (now Djibouti), and in 1889 treaties were signed which made the south of Somalia an Italian protectorate. By 1897, Italy, Britain, and neighboring Ethiopia agreed on the boundaries for Somalia, Italiana. Part of the area acquired by Ethiopia was the pasture land of Ogaden, which had been a vital food source for the Somalis. As a result of colonialism, Somalia was arbitrarily carved up with no regard to the Somali people's traditions and clan loyalties. This political meddling had a devastating effect on Somalia—an effect which is still reverberating today.
Throughout the colonial era there ensued a growing sense of nationalism, which became especially strong after Ethiopia's advances into traditional Somali areas. The leader of the nationalist movement was poet Sayid Mohamed Abdille Hassan. The movement became violent, much of which was originally directed toward the Ethiopians, but spread to include those Somalis who were friendly toward the British. Eventually, in 1920, the British retaliated against the growing violence and bombed nationalist strongholds. Though the movement was essentially defeated, it remains an important aspect of the Somali national image, and Hassan became a national folk hero.
The onset of World War II led to fighting between the British and Italians in Somalia. After Italian forces overran British Somaliland, the British quickly retaliated and were able to bring most of Somalia Italiana under British control. During the war and the years immediately following, the British gave the Ogaden region (which Italy had acquired in 1936) and neighboring territories inhabited by Somalis back to Ethiopia. The end of World War II signified the end of the British Empire, and the British began preparing Somalia for its eventual independence. In 1947, Italy renounced its right to Somalia Italiana, and in 1949 the area was put under the control of an international trusteeship for ten years, at which point it would gain independence.
On July 1, 1960, Somalia Italiana and British Somaliland joined and became an independent republic. The country was then under democratic leadership. However, there remained problems resulting from loyalties to the British, the Italians, and different clan leaders. Eventually, the Somali Youth League became the dominant party, and under Prime Minister Egal, Somalia improved relations with Ethiopia and Kenya. Not everyone was pleased with this arrangement, as many factions wanted the Ogaden region back in Somali hands. In 1969, a bloodless coup led by Major General Mohamed Said Barre resulted in the end of democracy in Somalia.
All power was in the hands of Barre and his group of twenty advisors. His form of leadership followed both Islamic and Marxist ideals. The government became centralized, and one of Barre's most important accomplishments was the orthography of the Somali language. His regime, while aiding in the increased literacy of the population, was also noticeably brutal in its reaction to opposition.
President Barre's foreign policy was noticeably expansive. He signed a friendship agreement with the Soviet Union in 1974, and in 1977 ordered the Somali National Army to cross into the Ogaden region to support the increasingly common guerilla warfare. This action led the USSR to withdraw their support and ammunition from Somalia, and they began supplying Ethiopia with arms and Cuban troops. By 1978, with no outside help, Somalia retreated from Ethiopia.
After the failure in Ethiopia, opposition against Barre's administration increased. The fighting and rivalries between the clans grew, due partly to Barre's favoritism toward certain clans. By 1988, Somalia was in disarray. Along with clan warfare, the army had fallen apart, and the economy was faltering. Starvation rates soared, as repeated droughts ruined the farming industry and fighting depleted the already precarious food supply. In 1991, after robbing the national treasury, Barre and his administration fled to Nigeria.
The civil war was in full force by 1991. It was extremely brutal, with fighting between at least sixteen rival factions. Over 500,000 people are believed to have been killed. A massive population displacement ensued. Between famine and violence, as many as two million people were internally displaced and 800,000 Somalis became international refugees. The famine also caused approximately 1.5 million people to starv to death.
In 1992, the United States and other countries launched Operation Restore Hope, with the aim of making the environment stable enough to give assistance to the Somali people. However, the U.S. withdrew its troops after a gun battle led to the deaths of a number of U.S. soldiers.
Recent development and current conditions
Warring in Somalia continued after the removal of U.S. forces in 1994. Somalia has been divided into fifteen regions, and at least thirty factions were vying for authority in the late 1990s. Many peace conferences have been held, and numerous treaties signed, none with lasting consequences.
While there have been reparation and aid efforts, there is still massive internal displacement and violence in farming areas has continued. Many basic human rights are being ignored. In Amnesty International's 1999 report, notes that deliberate and arbitrary killings continued to rise, journalists and human rights workers were targeted, and there is no rule of law or justice working justice system. However, not all regions are in complete disarray, as the northwest has been relatively peaceful in recent years. Two regions that split from Somalia, one known as Somaliland, and the other Puntland, have also been fairly stable. At this time, neither region has achieved international recognition.
The local angle: Somalis in Minnesota.
While the majority of the Somali refugees relocated in Kenya and Nigeria, most of those who came to the United States settled in Minnesota. Because of this influx during the civil war, Minnesota now has the largest Somali population in the country. A January 1999 estimate states that there are 15,000 Somalis living in Minnesota, with the majority residing in the Twin Cities area and Rochester. That number is significantly higher in 2001, and it will continue to grow.
Web sites
Nomad Net: www.netnomad.com
Somalia Online: www.somali.com/news.htm/
Sources:
Barnes, Virginia Lee. Aman: The Story of a Somali Girl. Vintage Books, 1994
Central Intelligence Agency. The World Factbook 1998
University of Minnesota TC: Refugee Studies Center. Refugee Review March, 1996
U.S. Committee for Refugees. Country Report: Somalia. 1998
U.S. Department of State Background Notes, July, 1998
MN Planning/Office of the State Demographer, 1999
Refugee Services of the Minnesota Department of Human services, 1999
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Country: Bosnia and Herzegovina
Population: 3,835,777
Capital City: Sarajevo
Languages: Bosnian, Serbian, Croatian
Climate: Hot summers and cold winters; areas of high elevation have short, cool summers and long severe winters; mild, rainy winters along the coast.
Major Religions: Muslim (40%); Orthodox (31%); Catholic (15%); Protestant (4%); other (10%).
Natural Resources: Coal, iron, bauxite, manganese, forests, copper, chromium, lead, zinc.
Form of government: Parliamentary democracy.
History
The earliest known inhabitants of present-day Bosnia and Herzegovina were the Illyrians, ancestors of the modern Albanians, tracing back to the Neolithic Period. By AD 9, the area had become part of the Roman Empire. A lasting consequence of the Roman rule was the division of the Roman Catholic and eastern Orthodox faiths along the border between the western and eastern Roman empires. The Slavs in the western region—Slovenes and Croatians—adopted Roman Catholicism and the Slavs in the eastern region—Serbs—adopted the Orthodox faith. That border passed through the middle of present-day Bosnia. During the 6th century, after the fall of Rome, Slavic tribes settled in the area and soon absorbed the peoples, languages and cultures that were already there. A second wave of Slavs, consisting of Croats and Serbs, arrived during the 7th century. During the 11th and 12th centuries, the kingdom of Hungary ruled the region.
Bosnia gained its independence around AD 1200 and remained independent until 1463, when Ottoman Turks conquered the area. This period introduced two additional sizeable religious communities: Muslims and Jews. During the Ottoman rule, immigrants from the Ottoman Empire were among the first Muslims to settle in Bosnia. In addition to the arrival of Muslims, many Bosnians dropped their ties to Christianity in favor of Islam. In an area in which Muslims were privileged and a ruling caste, converting to Islam offered advantages. The result, unique in Ottoman Europe, was a landholding and military nobility of native Muslim Slavs ruling over a mostly Christian peasantry. Judaism was introduced during the 1500s when Jews banished from Spain came to Sarajevo. The Jews became an integral part of the culture and economic life in the area. Bosnia remained under Ottoman rule until 1878, when Russia aided the Serbian forces in a successful campaign to defeat the Ottomans. Bosnia and Herzegovina was then given to Austria-Hungary to “occupy and administer.” While those living in Bosnia accepted the Austro-Hungarian rule, those of Serbian descent demanded a South Slav state that would unite Serbia and Bosnia.
World War I began when a Serb nationalist assassinated Archduke Ferdinand in Sarajevo. Despite major campaigns in neighboring Serbia, no significant fighting occurred in Bosnia. After the war, Bosnia became part of the South Slav state of Yugoslavia. Yugoslavia’s political parties were all ethnic nationalist parties except for a pan-Yugoslav Communist Party, which was banned and went underground in 1921. During World War II, Bosnia was given to the Nazi-controlled Croatia. The Ustashe, a group of Croat fascists who had lived in exile during the 1930s, ruled this newly formed entity. The Ustashe carried out a campaign of mass exterminations of Serbs, Roma, Jews, and other groups opposed to the new regime. After World War II, Josip Broz Tito declared himself dictator of Yugoslavia. Yugoslavia had strong ties to the Soviet Communist Party after the war, but the ties were soon severed and Yugoslavia declared itself independent. The Cold War saw the establishment of the Communist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the reestablishment of Bosnia as a republic with its medieval borders. For the next 45 years, Bosnia remained a part of the Yugoslav Republic. Tito was able to restrain each ethnic group’s nationalist sentiments. After Tito’s death in 1980, the nationalist sentiments quickly resurfaced, intensifying the tension in the region. As in the case of Nazism after World War I, politicians used nationalism to gain legitimacy and to draw attention away from the economic troubles. The Muslim, Serbian and Croatian parties formed a fragile coalition government, which ultimately fell apart as Yugoslavia disintegrated in 1991.
Bosnian leader Alija Izetbegovic declared that if the republics of Slovenia and Croatia seceded from Yugoslavia, the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina would also proclaim itself independent. At this point in time, the republic of Serbia had taken a dominant role in Yugoslavia, and, with the secession of Slovenia and Croatia, caused unease for the remaining republics. Two weeks later, the leader of the Serbian Democratic Party in Bosnia, Radovan Karadzic, stated that if Bosnia-Herzegovina seceded from Yugoslavia, then the Bosnian Serbs would secede from Bosnia-Herzegovina. The leader of Serbia, Slobodan Milosevic, embraced the Serb nationalist agenda. The Bosnian Serbs did not want to remain a minority in an independent state that was predominantly Muslim. The Bosnian Croats, also a minority, felt the same way. In 1991, both minority groups created small independent enclaves of their own. In November 1991, the Croatian community proclaimed western Bosnia to be the Croat Community of Herzeg-Bosna. In January 1992, as a result of pressure from nationalist governments in Zagreb (Croatia) and Belgrade (Serbia), the Bosnian Serb legislature proclaimed independence as the Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Shortly after the United States and the European Community recognized Bosnia’s independence in April 1992, the Bosnian Serbs launched a full-scale civil war. Milosevic’s government backed the Bosnian Serbs and the government of Croatia backed the Bosnian Croats. Muslims joined forces with Croatians against the Serbs. By the summer, the Serb forces controlled roughly 70 percent of Bosnia. They entered Sarajevo, massacring and expelling non-Serbs in Serb-controlled territories in a process called “ethnic cleansing.” In May 1993, the Croats launched a war against their former Muslim allies for control of central Bosnia and the capital of the Herzegovina region. Both the Bosnian Croats and the Bosnian Muslims carried out bloody massacres and “ethnic cleansing” in disputed areas. The massacres disrupted the lives of hundreds of thousands of people.
These heinous events were condemned by nations around the world, which pressured countries to take action and put an end to the bloodshed and violence. Their efforts included conferences, sanctions, peace proposals and charges against war criminals. The United Nations imposed sanctions on the government of Yugoslavia and organized a series of peace plans that were ultimately rejected by the different Bosnian factions. The UN also established so-called “safe areas” for the Muslims, which were quite often ignored and violated. The international community negotiated brief local or general ceasefires. Pressure from the United States put an end to the Muslim-Croat war, forcing the Croats to acquiesce to a Muslim-Croat federation in March 1994. This reduced the number of warring factions from three to two.
The remaining two warring parties negotiated a peace agreement at a U.S. Air Force Base in Dayton, Ohio, in November 1995, and signed the Dayton Peace Accord in Paris in December. The Dayton Accord dictated a new constitution for Bosnia and provided internationally organized elections. It also established a formally united Bosnia consisting of the Muslim-Croat federation and the Serb Republic. The agreement also called for the unobstructed return of refugees to their places of origin. NATO was placed in charge of overseeing the implementation of the provisions and the stabilization of the region.
Recent developments and current conditions
The tremendous involvement by the international community in the political and administrative matters has created a sense of stabilization and normalization in Bosnia-Herzegovina. In fact, Slobodan Milosevic and Radovan Karadzic were brought to trial and indicted for genocide and crimes against humanity by the prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. The violence has visibly decreased, but has not been eradicated. According to the U.S. Department of State Consular Information Sheet of April 20, 2001, localized political violence, landmines and unexploded armaments still exist. Amnesty International, in its 2001 Annual Report, expressed serious concern regarding the overall human rights situation, but particularly the lack of genuine commitment by local authorities to protect human rights and address past violations.
The implementation of the Dayton provisions on the return of the refugees has proved difficult. The tension between the three groups still exists. Many of the refugees remain displaced. According to the U.S. Committee for Refugees, at the end of 2000, 518,000 people were internally displaced. They are afraid to return to their homes because another group now dominates the region and has created legal obstacles to the peaceful recovery of property and jobs. The leaders of each ethnic group continue to oppose one another. There is little freedom of movement, and availability of services is scarce across the borders of what are in fact three separate entities. The depressed economy and employment discrimination result in poor job prospects for refugees. In addition to this, minority refugee families cite inadequate educational opportunities for minority children as another obstacle to repatriation.
Bosnians in Minnesota
Although the majority of Bosnian refugees relocated in Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands, a considerable number came to the United States. As of January 1999, the Minnesota Refugee Services estimated that a total of 1600 Bosnians lived in the state. The majority of the refugees reside in Hennepin and Olmsted Counties.
Sources:
MSN Encarta Encyclopedia: Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2001.
U.S. Department of State Background Notes: Bosnia and Herzegovina, December 2000.
U.S. Department of State Consular Information Sheet: Bosnia and Herzegovina, April 20, 2001.
U.S. Committee for Refugees Country Report: Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2001.
Amnesty International Bosnia-Herzegovina: Annual Report 2001.
Central Intelligence Agency The World Factbook 2000: Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Physicians for Human Rights Medicine Under Siege in the Former Yugoslavia: 1991-1995, May 1996
Website
www.bosnet.org/bosnia/history/
Liberia
Country: Republic of Liberia
Population: 2,923,725
Ethnic Groups: Indigenous groups 95% (Kpelle, Bassa, Gio,
Kru, Grebo, Mano, Krahn, Goa, Gbandi, Loma, Kissi, Vai, and Bella);
Americo-Liberans 2.5% (descendants of immigrants from the United States who had been slaves)
Capital: Monrovia
Languages: Liberian English and 20 to 30 indigenous languages
Climate: Tropical
Major Religions: Indigenous (70%), Muslim (20%), Christian (10%)
Natural Resources: Iron ore, timber, diamonds, gold, and rubber
Government: Republic
History
The Republic of Liberia was founded over 130 years ago by freed slaves from the U.S., today known as Americo-Liberians. The Americo-Liberian population controlled all social, economic and political power. The indigenous population, who out-numbered their colonists by twenty to one, were subjected to exclusion from the coastal community. This led to the impoverishment and cultural alienation of the indigenous peoples, while the ruling class prospered.
By the late 1970s, however, this once unassailable power structure was beginning to show signs of crumbling. A new constituency of disaffected, often foreign educated, Liberians, as well as schooled indigenous technocrats, joined forces in various opposition groups and began voicing their demands for reform. Their dissatisfaction culminated in 1979 with the "rice riots," which were sparked by a 50% increase in the price of rice. The police fired into the crowds, killing more than one hundred protesters.
In 1980 a military coup brought Samuel Doe, a Krahn, to power. Although he himself later became a symbol for greed and corruption, the new president's bloody debut was initially welcomed by the majority of Liberians as an end to more than a century of colonization. Many still refer to the event as Liberia's first real independence. It wasn't long, however, before their enthusiasm turned to bitterness.
The years that followed were marked by mounting unrest due to an increasingly Krahn-dominated authoritarian regime that promoted the joint militarization and tribalization of politics and reigned over an economy characterized by burgeoning inflation and growing unemployment. Against this backdrop, other ethnic cliques began plotting their own rise to power, culminating in 1985 with a brutally suppressed coup attempt by Thomas Quiwonkpa, an ethnic Gio from Nimba County. After murdering Quiwonkpa, Doe's soldiers—the Krahn-dominated Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL)—began a bloody campaign of reprisal killings, mainly targeted at Gios and Manos. Once again the stage was set for a coup.
On 24 December, 1989, a small group of armed rebels led by ex-civil servant Charles Taylor, himself an Americo-Liberian, invaded Nimba County from the Ivory Coast. They calle
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